The Indonesian government has the difficult task of leading a Muslim nation whilst maintaining the nation's traditional belief in Pancasila.
Indonesia is the world’s largest predominantly Muslim country, with 87% of its population classed as Muslim. As a result there has always been the possibility that the country could one day move towards becoming an Islamic state. To date however, Indonesia’s leaders have not identified with the idea of an Islamic state, preferring to maintain other forms of government and adhering to the Indonesian theory of Pancasila. Similarly there has never been any real widespread public support for the establishment of an Islamic state, although there have been occasions where Muslims have rallied behind particular Islamic issues. Democracy in Indonesia has not brought any significant electoral success for hard-line Islamic parties.
There are however, a growing number of groups in Indonesia today who would like to see the country become an Islamic state and embrace shar’iah law. Since democracy at the end of the Suharto regime, Indonesian leaders have seen a clear increase in the growth of radical Islam. If the newly formed groups and parties could harness widespread public support, Indonesia could move along the road to becoming an Islamic state.
For decades, the principles of Pancasila have been at the heart of the Indonesian state, a doctrine that rejects a state dominated by any one religion. Forming the basis of the Indonesian constitution in the Sukarno era, Pancasila was based on five principles: belief in God, National unity, humanitarianism, social justice and democracy. Even as the Sukarno regime collapsed in the 1960s, the incoming regime under Suharto preferred the ideas of Pancasila to any movement towards an Islamic state. Suharto’s New Order government set the achievement of economic and political stability, along with further economic development as its primary policy objectives and had little initial interest in promoting Islamic values.
For much of his regime, Suharto remained relatively hostile to Islam taking the view for a long time that radical Islam could be just as problematic as communism. In the latter years of his rule however, he appeared to reconcile himself with Islam – a change in attitude that may have been a catalyst for the growing Muslim consciousness in Indonesia over the last decade. Suharto made a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1991 having in 1990 overseen the establishment of the League of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI), a surrogate Islamic political party that initially at least was supportive of the government.
ICMI has grown to be an influential force in Indonesian politics. Many of its members are also associated with Muhammadiyah, the country’s foremost ‘modernist’ Islamic organisation. Muhammadiyah has an influence that spreads to all parts of the country, running schools, universities, orphanages, mosques and libraries. The central debate within these organisations is which is preferable – an Islamic society in which policies are influenced by Islamic values, or the step further to a wholly Islamic state, governed by shar’iah law. The relationship with Pancasila is also at the heart of the ideological debate. To many, even the creation of an Islamic society is incompatible with the vales of Pancasila. So far, the mainstream groups such as the ICMI have remained broadly supportive of Pancasila.
The role of the Indonesian military has been and will continue to be an important factor in determining if Indonesia does become an Islamic state. The early 1990s saw changes in the military leadership which saw generals that were more sympathetic to Islam than previous leaders move into more prominent leadership positions. Others within the military however remain more committed to the ideology of Pancasila. General Harsudiyino argued during the 1990s that the activities of groups such as ICMI are wrong to put Islamic politics ahead of the national interest. It seems unlikely at present that the armed forces (ABRI) will become heavily involved in radical Islam.
Clearly, there has been a shift in the religious landscape in Indonesia over recent years that makes the development of an Islamic state a more credible possibility than in the past. An overall rise in Muslim consciousness across the nation has seen those who had been nominal Muslims in the past looking to increase their faith and take a greater interest in Islam’s role both nationally and internationally. Students across Indonesia certainly have become more religious and more radical, with university campuses proving to be fertile recruiting grounds for a variety of Islamic groups.
The Bali bombings in October 2002 were a huge challenge to the Indonesian leadership. Rightly or wrongly, the Indonesian state as a whole was more deeply associated with militant Islam as a result of the bombings, and Indonesia’s foreign relations, particularly those with Australia, were strained as a result. The place of Islam in Indonesia became a major concern for foreign powers almost overnight.
The response of President Megawati gave a clear indication that the Indonesian leadership remains determined to prevent militant Islam, from gaining too much influence in the country. Megawati was happy to allow intelligence officers from Western nations to take part in the investigations of the bombings, she challenged radical Islam by authorising an Indonesian vote in the United Nations to declare Jama’ah Islamiyah (JI) a terrorist organisation and also allowed the arrest of Abu Bakar Ba’ asyir, allegedly the spiritual leader of the group. As with previous regimes, the Indonesian government has aligned itself with the West in the face of radical Islam.
That said, in places, intolerance is being preached openly. The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has issued a number of controversial fatwas in recent years which have encouraged violence by sects such as the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) and the Indonesian Mujahadeen Council (MMI). The MUI also issued a fatwa in 2005 which banned pluralism, liberalism and secularism. It should also be noted that there are other jihadist struggles going on in Indonesia. In Maluku for example, at least 5000 people have been killed in clashes involving Islamic groups.
At the same time, there has been some opposition to the more radical Islamic groups. 2005 saw rallies attended by thousands reaffirming their belief in the Pancasila state ideology. Women’s groups have also responded to some action by more hardline Islamic groups. The MUI issued a fatwa against mixed-religion marriages in 2005 and women from Nahdatul Ulama, the country’s largest women’s Muslim group have protested against this
There remains though some possibility that Indonesia will one day become an Islamic state. There are some ingredients already in place for this. Indonesia has a large Muslim population and there are groups within the country actively lobbying and in some cases fighting for an Islamic state. A growing Muslim consciousness amongst the general population and unhappiness at the treatment of Muslims in other areas of the world is also radicalising more of the population. The fact remains however that the Indonesian people have to date continued to reject an Islamic state at the ballot box and hold true to the well established principles of Pancasila. There may be some powerful Islamic influences in Indonesian society and within its political system but as yet there is no clear evidence that Indonesia will one day become an Islamic state.
